The nationalist leader Albin Kurti will seek to govern alone after achieving a landslide victory in the legislative elections held last Sunday in Kosovo, the youngest country in Europe. It will be the third consecutive term as prime minister for the historic leader of the Vetëvendosje (Self-Determination, in Albanian) movement.
Kurti emerged greatly strengthened from the polls after the early elections, motivated by his inability to articulate a majority in Parliament after the February legislative elections. The subsequent ten months of political and institutional blockade prevented Kosovar coffers from receiving European funds valued at 1 billion euros. Funds that can now be unlocked.
Because, according to official data, Kurti’s platform obtained 49.3 percent of the votes this Sunday. A result that translates into 56 of the 120 seats in Parliament. Behind, far behind Vetëvendosje, appear the initials of the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), with 21 percent of the ballots. In third position, with just over 13.5 percent, is the Democratic League (LDK).
Compared to the February elections, Vetëvendosje increases its representation by eight seats. The distance over the opposition parties is considerable. Kurti shows no signs of wear.
“The institutional paralysis was not perceived as a failure by Kurti, but as evidence of political intransigence in the face of structures that a large part of the public has considered for years as a source of corruption, clientelism and systemic injustice,” he points out in conversation with this newspaper. Suada A. Dzogovicprofessor of International Relations at Haxhi Zeka University.
“Kurti managed to transform stasis into a political narrative of resistance, and resistance into a symbol of political vitality,” adds Dzogovic. “In doing so, he avoided the classic trap of ruling elites: instead of acting defensively, he acted normatively, as a guardian of principles, not as a manager of commitments.”
The wind blew in favor of a Kurti that was also favored by the calendar. A good part of the Kosovar diaspora had returned home for the end-of-year holidays, and the diaspora is one of Kurti’s great sources of votes. In fact, according to a recent survey by Ubo Consulting, 61.7 percent of Kosovars living abroad trust the prime minister.
Kurti has it all in his face because, as he explains Big Gërgiinvestigador del Group for Legal and Political Studies (GLPS), un think tank based in Pristina, it is quite difficult to form a government without Vetëvendosje.
“The Parliament of Kosovo has 120 seats, of which 20 are reserved for minorities. Kurti has won 56 seats (which could increase to 57 with the votes of the diaspora). He only needs 5 votes from the minorities, that is, a quarter of them, to reach the 61 mandates necessary to form a government,” says Gërgi in dialogue with EL ESPAÑOL. “You can easily get that support.”
“The real challenge comes in March, when the Assembly must elect the next president of Kosovo,” he anticipates, however. Ramadan Ilazihead of research at the Kosovo Center for Security Studies (KCSS). “The Constitution requires two-thirds of deputies to participate in the vote. To avoid calling new elections if the vote fails, Kurti will need to cooperate with the opposition, either by inviting a party into his coalition or agreeing on a consensus candidate capable of reaching the two-thirds threshold with opposition votes.”
“Kurti’s margin of victory was surprising to almost everyone,” Gërgi acknowledges. “He had the greatest blessing a politician could ask for: weak opponents. The united opposition had the numbers to form a government in the previous legislature, but refused to do so in the hope of getting more votes in the repeat elections.”
How did Kurti react? “He sold himself as a politician who wanted to avoid the crisis by proposing a budget and the ratification of important agreements with the EU and the World Bank. In the end, his message of social policies and a sovereign foreign policy resonated with the Kosovar population more than any other option,” answers Gërgi.
The left-wing nationalist leader gets to work to make up for lost time. “We have a lot of work ahead of us. Today’s result has made it clear to us that we must move forward without any delay. The institutions will be created as soon as the election results are certified,” he declared on election night.
Among the Vetëvendosje leader’s plans are to strengthen health and education services – lagging behind compared to their Balkan neighbors –, improve conditions for public employees and pensioners, and expand reforms to combat corruption. He will have to deal with the usual border tensions with Serbia.
“At the internal level, Kurti is given a strong mandate to continue institutional reforms, but at the same time, the obligation to translate his moral capital into a functional state,” explains Dzogovic. “Expectations are higher than ever and the possibilities of meeting them are significantly limited. The fight against corruption, strengthening the judicial system and reviewing the relationships between politics and institutions are priorities, but their credibility will depend on concrete results, not rhetoric.”
“Kosovo has enjoyed unprecedented political stability between 2021 and 2025, when elections were held in February. The rest of the year was effectively lost in paralysis, and the hope is that the next four years will also have some political stability,” notes Gërgi. “The opposition parties, PDK and especially LDK, which saw a radical drop in their vote, need to reconsider their decisions and reform to attract citizens again.”
“The next four years will be a decisive period for the future of the Western Balkans as members of the European Union,” Gërgi underlines. “Therefore, Kosovo needs cross-party cooperation to achieve its EU and NATO integration goals.” Kurti received, among others, congratulations from the Prime Minister of Albania, Eddie Rama“a brother” with whom he competes to represent the Albanian nation.
What future awaits Kosovo? “The implications of his third government depend on whether Kurti maintains his rigid approach or adopts a more pragmatic stance,” Ilazi responds. “His campaign slogan, ‘No compromise,’ signaled rigidity in the dialogue with Serbia, but his victory speech had a more conciliatory tone.”
“I see two scenarios: one, if Kurti persists with past policies, tensions with Brussels and Washington could deepen; another, if he takes advantage of his strong mandate to promote constructive engagement, Kosovo could move significantly towards Euro-Atlantic integration,” Ilazi adds. “Both the EU and the United States have made clear that advancing normalization with Serbia and fostering Kosovo’s multi-ethnic character remain priorities for future cooperation with the Government.”