When Shantanu Nandan Sharma meets the 54-year-old Maoist leader, a lean man who once wielded considerable influence as a Central Committee member, he is sitting in the sun, leisurely reading a Hindi newspaper. It’s a moment he could scarcely afford until October, when he and more than a hundred of his colleagues laid down their arms.
In this rare interview, Rupesh offers an insider’s account of the internal debates that preceded his surrender, the politburo’s attempts to recalibrate strategy and his interactions with Basavaraju and Devji, the former and current heads of CPI (Maoist). He also speaks about the death of senior commander Madvi Hidma. While Rupesh stops short of giving a clear answer to his alleged role in the 2003 assassination attempt on Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu, he does not categorically deny it either.
Edited excerpts :
Did your colleagues know you as Vasudeva Rao or Rupesh? How would you introduce yourself?
I am T Vasudeva Rao, also known as Satish. I am 54 now. I assumed the name Rupesh only this year to issue press statements related to peace talks. As a result, most people now know me as Rupesh. Earlier, for about a year or two, I also identified myself as Vikalp while issuing statements to the media.
I belong to Warangal and hold an ITI diploma from Nalgonda. I initially worked with the Radical Youth League before joining the party [then known as CPI (ML)-People’s War] in the late 1990s. I came to Dandakaranya [Bastar and adjoining areas] in 2007 and have lived there since. In 2024, the politburo promoted me to the Central Committee. [Madvi] Work [killed in an encounter last month] also became a CC member around the same time. Before joining the mainstream in October, I was heading the party’s north-west sub-zonal bureau, which covered areas north of the Indravati river and Maharashtra’s Gadchiroli.
When did you initiate the process of laying down arms and joining the mainstream?
The exact decision to lay down arms and join the mainstream was taken in August 2025. However, the process of initiating peace talks began in 2024. In August that year, the politburo issued guidance on how to counter the state’s repression and reconnect with the masses. This followed an introspection that our mass support was eroding. To implement the proposals in the circular— which included specific tactical measures—we needed to be on the ground. But by then, the security scenario had changed, and we could not move freely. Since the guidance came from the apex committee, we had to attempt implementation by organising meetings even amid security operations.
Can you cite a couple of proposals of that politburo guidance?
One proposal suggested sending some cadres to states where repression was comparatively less. Another proposal focused on avoiding confinement to narrow pockets within Dandakaranya and expanding areas of domination. The idea was to avoid becoming the target of a single large operation. Accordingly, we split into smaller groups of 10-15 cadres and began moving in different directions. In some cases, cadres did not even carry weapons and camouflaged as civilians. Essentially, it was a tactic to decentralise our forces, survive a turbulent phase and consolidate when conditions improved.
What was the view of the then general secretary Basavaraju [Nambala Keshava Rao] on shunning violence and joining the mainstream?
By March 2025, the security of our CC centre had become a concern [security camps had been set up even in the interiors of Abujhmad such as Kutul]. Dada also realised the changing security environment. He was 70 years old and, due to health issues like high blood pressure as well as his age, he could not move frequently.
At that stage, we were proposing peace talks, not laying down of arms. A statement along similar lines was issued in the name of Abhay from another centre near Karregutta [the hills separating South Bastar and Telangana] by another politburo member. It was then that Dada called me to discuss how to proceed with the peace talks. Our demand was that the government stop operations and create a conducive atmosphere for dialogue. Then, I released a letter stating that we should refrain from military activities until further instructions. It was a pause phase.
Can you clarify—did Basavaraju agree to hold peace talks?
I would not say he decided to hold peace talks with the government, but he was part of the process and issued directions. I could not have taken such a major decision on my own. I wrote two letters to Vijay Sharma (deputy CM and home minister of Chhattisgarh) sometime in April and May. On May 10, Dada issued a statement in the name of Abhay stating that we would refrain from military activities for some time to allow the peace process to materialise. Our primary demand for the peace process centred around jal, jangal and jameen.
Wasn’t peace process a time-buying tactic, given the mounting security operations?
The government perceived it that way, which is why it did not announce a ceasefire. It believed that eliminating the general secretary would force us to surrender. That was a mistake. Had the general secretary come forward for talks, everyone would have followed. There would have been a single, collective decision.
You were forced to surrender with arms.
Yes. But several of our colleagues opposed the decision to lay down arms. We surrendered only the arms that were already with us. Additional weapons remained with those who chose to continue fighting.
What about the crores of rupees you handled while heading North Bastar?
Those who opposed our decision were with us until the very end. We did not escape. We handed over the extra arms and the party’s money to them. We did not carry any money with us.
Did you meet the current party head, Devji, before coming to Jagdalpur to lay down arms?
I last met Devji in June. Not after that. I tried to meet him again to convince him, but I failed.
When did you last meet Hidma?
I last met him during an SZC meeting in 2022. At that time, both of us were members of SZC (a rank below CC).
Why did Hidma move out of Dandakaranya and take refuge in Andhra Pradesh?
I believe he moved for his safety. It was also part of the party’s decision to operate in smaller groups. However, Hidma was not killed in an encounter. He was caught and killed. We are absolutely sure of that. I can say this before any political leader or senior officer.
You are linked to the 2003 assassination attempt on Andhra Pradesh CM N Chandrababu Naidu. Were you involved?
I do not want to comment on my involvement in that specific case. But, generally speaking, if the party assigns a task to Hidma, Rupesh, or anyone else, we are duty-bound to carry it out. I cannot disclose which encounters I was part of, nor will I reveal that to the authorities. New cases may be slapped on me, but I am prepared for that.
How soon will Maoism come to an end in India?
I do not think Maoism will die in India, but there is no scope for an armed revolution at this point. Those who rejected our decision and continued armed struggle believe the party will regain strength after setbacks lasting a year or two.
What are your views on the privatisation of mining in Bastar and similar areas?
In tribal areas, people generally oppose mining by private companies. Most mineral deposits are located in tribal belts. There are laws to protect Adivasis and their jal, jangal and jameen, and the government must not violate them. If it does, protests against mining companies may intensify and consolidate. You do not need a Rupesh for that. We know mineral resources are important for the country’s development, but extraction must follow established norms. We prefer mining by government rather than private companies.
Your wife is in jail. What is your next move— stay in Bastar or return to Warangal?
We will work for the people within the framework of the Indian Constitution. We will never take up arms again. We have not joined the mainstream for the rehabilitation sum [Rupesh is eligible for ₹40 lakh]. I will use that money for pro-people activities. If we form a new organisation, we will seek land from the government. I will not engage in any business.
You do not have any children, do you? Like many Maoist couples, did you too adopt family planning?
Yes, we did. My wife Sri Vidya [known by her nom de guerre Rupi] is an SZC member. She was arrested in July and is in a jail [in Telangana]. She is a BTech graduate from Hyderabad and heads the party’s education wing.